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COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



THE 

People's Republican 
Campaign Book 



COPYRIGHT, 1915, by W. G. KITCHEN, 

Secretary Republican State Committee. 

Room 511, International Life Building, St. Louis, Mo. 



Issued by 
W. G. KITCHEN 

SECRETARY 
MISSOURI STATE REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE 



1915 



MEMBERS OF THE 

REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE 

Term of office runs from August 25th, 1914 
to August 25th, 1916. Two members from each 
district are elected by Congressional District 
Committeemen. 

NAME 1st District ADDRESS 

John S. Newlon Lewistown, Lewis Co. 

Berryman Henwood Hannibal, Marion Co. 

2nd District 

L. W. Kelly Moberly. Randolph Co. 

Fred S. Hudson Chillicothe, Livingston Co. 

3rd District 

John L. Tilton Grant City, Worth Co. 

Dr. E. R. Lindley Stanberry, Gentry Co. 

4th District 

W. W. Head St. Joseph, Buchanan Co. 

Dr. W. T. Clements Platte City, Platte Co. 

5th District 

Thos. R. Marks Kansas City, Jackson Co. 

Jesse L. Martin Independence, Jackson Co. 

6th District 

Phil. S. Griffith Greenfield, Dade Co. 

Dr. C. P. Bowden Appleton City, St. Clair Co. 

7th District 

Holmes Hall Sedalia, Pettis Co. 

Roscoe C. Patterson Springfield, Green Co. 

8th District 

A. J. Bauer Jefferson City, Cole Co. 

Dr. G. W. Duncan Ulman, Miller Co. 

9th District 

Judge T. W. Hukriede. . . . Warrenton. Warren Co. 
Robert D. Silver, St. Charles, r.f.d. No. 5. 

St. Charles Co. 
10th District 

Otto F. Stifel 2007 Hebert St., St. Louis. Mo. 

S. Mark Todd Clayton, St. Louis Co. 

11th District 

Henry L. Weeke 2342 St. Louis Ave., St. Louis 

H. L. Konetzky, 15th and St. Louis Ave., St. Louis 

12th District 

Hugh K. Wagner Fullerton Bldg., St. Louis 

Chauncey J. Krueger 1007 Chestnut, St. Louis 



MEMBERS REPUBLICAN STATE COM. 5 

13th District 

Politte Elvins Elvins, St. Francois Co. 

S. G. Nipper Potosi, Washington Co. 

14th District 

N. A. Mozley Bloomfield, Stoddard Co. 

Jesse W. Oliver Branson, Taney Co. 

15th District 

Amos Gurlev Purdy, Barry Co. 

Geo. W. Smith Southwest City, McDonald Co. 

16th District 

A. H. Harrison Steelville, Crawford Co. 

P. A. Bennett Buffalo. Dallas Co. 



REPUBLICAN EDITORIAL ASSOCIATION 

OF MISSOURI 

President CAPT. HENRY KING, St. Louis 
Sec'y and Treas. CLIFF HARRISON, Gallatin. Mo. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

BERRYMAN HEN WOOD, Chairman. .. .Hannibal 

JOHN E. FROST Plattsburg 

HUGH K. WAGNER St. Louis 

CHAUNCEY J. KRUEGER St. Louis 

S. MARK DODD Clayton 

POLITTE ELVINS Elvins 

ERNEST R. SWEENEY Kansas City 

FINANCE COMMITTEE. 

HUGH K. WAGNER, Chairman St. Louis 

A. L. SHAPLEIGH St. Louis 

THERON E. CATLIN St. Louis 

E. L. PREETORIUS St. Louis 

T. W. HUKRIEDE Warrenton 

W. S. DICKEY Kansas City 

OTTO F. STIFEL St. Louis 

ENTERTAINMENT COMMITTEE. 

T. W. HUKRIEDE, Chairman Warrenton 

W. W. HEAD St. Joseph 

H. L. WEEKE St. Louis 

PHIL S. GRIFFITH Greenfield 

ROSCOE C. PATTERSON Springfield 

JESSE W. OLIVER Branson 

AUDITING COMMITTEE. 

S. G. NIPPER. Chairman Potosi 

N. A. MOZLEY Bloomfield 

GEO. W. SMITH Southwest City 

A. H. HARRISON Steelville 

W. T. CLEMENTS Platte City 

ROBERT D. SILVER St. Charles 

AMOS GURLEY Purdy 



THE GET-TOGETHER SONG 

(Melody: Marching Through Georgia) 

Lincoln for his country's union led and won 

the fight 
And his spirit is at work his party to unite, 
Guiding it to lasting friendship, justice, 

truth and right, 
While we are getting to-gether. 

CHORUS. 

Hurrah, hurrah, we bring prosperity. 

Hurrah! hurrah! we march to victory! 

So we sing the chorus, which resounds from 

sea to sea, 
While we are getting to-gether. 

Free trade and too many laws bring on hard 

times galore, 
Chance for work is growing less and still 

the prices soar; 
Confidence and hopeful courage we again 

restore, 
While we are getting to-gether. 

Democrats crushed industries from Dixie- 
land to Maine, 

But united we defeat them in the next cam- 
paign; 

Efforts to keep us apart will fail and be in 
vain, 

While we are getting to-gether. 

Countless voices rise and ring: With free 
trade we go wrong! 

Pair protection makes the country prosper- 
ous and strong! 

Far and near the shouts go ur>, we hear them 
roll along, 

While we are getting to-gether. 

Home made goods for home consumption 
under freedom's sky! 

Good old times for one and all, where free- 
man's banners fly! 

From the heart and from the soul we to the 
shouts reply, 

While we are getting to-gether. 



FOREWORD 



The object of this booklet is to fur- 
nish, in concise and convenient form, 
information in regard to some of our 
leading political issues. 

In preparing the booklet free use 
was made of the "Republican Cam- 
paign Text-Book of 1912." 

The discussion of the different 
subjects is plain and to the point. 
Truth is never intricate, and can al- 
ways be told in simple words. Re- 
course to highsounding phrases is 
often only an attempt to hide the 
truth. 



THE 

PEOPLE'S REPUBLICAN 

CAMPAIGN BOOK 



THE REPUBLICAN" PARTY. 



The Republican Party was born in 1S56 as 
a protest against slavery and the degrad- 
ation of labor, whether white or black. 



Under the leadership of Abraham 
Lincoln, it saved the Union, and de- 
clared "that sound policy required 
such and adjustment of import duties 
as to encourage the development of 
the industrial interests of the whole 
country, and a policy of national 
exchanges which would secure to 
workingmen liberal wages, to agri- 
culture remunerative prices, to me- 
chanics and manufacturers an ade- 
quate reward for their skill, labor, 
and enterprise, and to the Nation 
commercial prosperity and indepen- 
dence. 

The declaration meant that we 
should not be content to produce food 
and raw materials for foreign nations 
and then pay tribute to them for the 
finished products. 

The Republican Party has always 
kept its promise, standing squarely on 
the principle of protection to Amer- 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 



ican industry, and maintaining the 
best wage scale in the world. 

The split, which has recently de- 
veloped in the party, will soon be a 
matter of history. The story of the 
election in November, 1914, tells that 
it has already practically reunited, 
and will be successful in 1916. 



THE TARIFF. 



A tariff is a duty levied on import- 
ed goods. If imposed on an article 
without regard to its value the duty is 
a specific tariff, if according to the 
value of the article, an ad valorem 
tariff. 

The object of a protective tariff is 
to produce a revenue for the govern- 
ment, and to raise the price of the 
article on which the duty is laid to 
enable the manufacturer to pay liv- 
ing wages, and, nevertheless, com- 
pete with the foreign producer. 

The object of a tariff for revenue 
only, a free trade tariff, is but one- 
fold, namely, to obtain a revenue for 
the government. 

Three types of tariff systems have 
been adopted by leading nations dur- 
ing the more recent period. 

The earliest type is the single or 
"autonomous" tariff. Its rates ap- 
ply uniformly to imports from all 
countries, no favor being shown to 
any of them. It is the result of do- 
mestic legislation only, and an exam- 
ple is presented by the British tariff, 
the duties of which are for revenue 
only, and, therefore, not adapted for 
change by tariff agreements. 



THE TARIFF 15 



In each of the other two systems, 
the tariff has a double column of 
rates. In case that the legislature 
from the beginning fixes this double 
set of rates, within which concessions 
to foreign countries may be made by 
the Executive, the tariff is designa- 
ted as a "maximum and minimum ,, 
tariff. Examples are presented by 
the Payne-Aldrich Tariff, and by the 
tariffs of France, Spain, and Norway. 

Whenever the legislature fixes 
from the start one set of duties only, 
and the second set is the result of in- 
ternational bargaining, the tariff is 
called a "general and conventional 
tariff". During the life of a treaty 
with a foreign country, the general 
rates may be changed at any time, 
but not the conventional rates, except 
by mutual consent. In case a coun- 
try has with another nation, with a 
"general and conventional tariff", a 
commercial treaty, containing a most 
favored nation clause, then all the 
conventional rates accorded to other 
countries, by the latter, are granted 
to the former as a matter of course. 
Examples of this type of tariff sys- 
tem are the German, Austro^Hun- 
garian, Italian, Swiss, and Russian 
tariffs. 



THE PROTECTIVE POLICY. 



A protective-tariff nation puts its 
custom taxes on the things imported, 
the like of which are produced within 
its own borders, when the cost of pro- 
duction at home is greater than 
abroad. 

If the rate on an article were cut 
below the difference in the cost of 
production, there would be no pos- 
sible place from which that reduction 
could come except from the wages of 
labor. 

Where the cost of production is less 
here, or where there is no difference, 
or when the like of the imported arti- 
cle is not or can not be produced here, 
the protective policy admits it free. 

England is the only country, which 
has a tariff for revenue only. The 
duties on a few articles not produced 
there are very high, and everything 
else is imported free. She raises, 
however, far more per capita from 
customs revenue than the United 
States collected under the Payne- 
Aldrich law, and has also an internal 
revenue tax on domestic production. 
England is fostering her steamship 
lines by the payment of subsidies, 



THE PROTECTIVE POLICY 



giving them between seven and eight 
million dollars a year, and the princi- 
pal maritime nations of the world, 
except the United States, follow the 
same policy, France's annual subsidy 
to shipping being about eight million 
dollars. Every constructive measure 
to restore the American merchant 
marine to its former prominence in 
foreign trade, brought up to this time 
before Congress, has been Republican 
in origin and principle, and has en- 
countered practically unbroken oppo- 
sition on the part of the Democratic 
Party. 

Formerly the danger to domestic 
industries from foreign competition 
was much less than now. Modern 
methods of transportation and com- 
munication have brought the cheap 
labor of Europe, and of India, China, 
and Japan, to our very doors. 

The reduction in the cost of trans- 
portation is one of the chief causes 
of the movement, during the last half 
century, towards protection in the 
leading manufacturing countries of 
the world, except England, owing to 
her location and dominating position 
in the commercial and industrial 
world. But even in England many 
voices are now clamoring for pro- 
tection. 



THE PROTECTIVE POLICY 
AND THE TRUSTS. 



Protection is not responsible for 
the existence of trusts and combina- 
tions to control prices. They are the 
result of growing competition. 

Free-trade England was "plastered 
all over with trusts" (quoting Sena- 
tor Dolliver) already in the eighties. 
Cutting prices in foreign markets, to 
meet or prevent competition, and ex- 
portation at prices below those of the 
home market, is a common practice 
with England Exporters. 

Increasing competition in foreign 
markets is the cause of the inter- 
national trusts, and it happens that 
a manufacturer, who fails to become 
a member of such a trust, is unable to 
sell his goods in foreign markets. 

In this country both the Republi- 
cans and the Democrats framed laws 
for the regulation of corporations, 
but in their legislation and its en- 
forcement, the Republicans were al- 
ways on the alert to protect, as far 
as possible, fairly conducted business 
from a feeling of uncertainty, leading 
to business depression. 



PROTECTIVE POLICY AND TRUSTS 19 

Among the anti-trust laws enacted 
by the Republicans the Sherman law, 
owing to its efficiency and justness, 
is the most important one. The de- 
cisions of the Supreme Court make it 
clear, that there is nothing in this 
measure which condemns a combina- 
tion of business organizations to se- 
cure economy of production. It is 
only when the purpose or effect of 
the combination is the establish- 
ment of a monopoly, that the law is 
violated. 



THE PAYNE-ALDRICH LAW 



In 1908, the Republican Party, at 
its National Convention declared 
"that the true principle of protection 
is best maintained by the imposition 
of such duties as will equal the dif- 
ference between the cost of produc- 
tion at home and abroad, together 
with a reasonable profit to American 
industries. " 

In accordance with the above dec- 
laration the Republican Congress, in 
1909, passed the Payne-Aldrich law. 
The duties were fixed upon the best 
information then available, and in the 
act itself provision was made for a 
maximum and minimum tariff and 
for the creation of a Tariff Board to 
obtain information from abroad on 
the cost of production upon which 
re-adjustments of the tariff rates 
mio-ht be made from time to time. 

That the law, while in force, though 
still imperfect, did splendid work can 
not be doubted by those conversant 
with the facts in the case. The bill 
gave free hides and free oil, and re- 
duced greatly the duty on iron ore, 
coal lumber, iron and steel manufac- 
tures, and the necessaries of life, in- 



THE PAYNB-ALDBICH LAV* 21 

creasing the rates on luxuries. It 
decreased the rates on 654 items on 
the dutiable list, and, nevertheless, 
increased the revenue. 

Under the Payne- Aldrich law up to 
a billion dollars' worth of foreign 
products came annually into our ports 
without paying one cent of tax. The 
average of free importations was 
above 50 per cent of all imports. In 
1913 the per cent of free importations 
was 54.47. The importations, which 
were taxed, included luxuries and 
other articles the like of which are the 
products of our farms, forest, fac- 
tories, and mines. 

The Maximum and Minimum 
Tariff System. 

Under the maximum and minimum 
system of rates, provided for the first 
time in our history by the Payne- Al- 
drich law, the tariff rates mentioned 
therein constitute the minimum 
tariffs, while the maximum rates are 
higher by 25 per cent ad valorem. 
The minimum rates apply to the prod- 
ucts of all countries, which do not 
discriminate against imports from or 
exports to the United States. To as- 
certain such discriminations and to 
eliminate them where possible, the 
Tariff Board in conjunction with the 
State Department undertook a care- 



THE PAYNE-ALDRICH LAW 



ful examination of all existing for- 
eign tariffs. Then the President 
extended to all of the commercial 
nations of the world the benefit of 
the minimum rates, and procured in 
return the admission of our products 
into their markets on equal terms 
with other countries. 

In 1912 we sold abroad $2,204,224,- 
088 worth of our products, as against 
$1,663,011,104 worth in 1909, an in- 
crease of $541,210,984. 

In the same year we bought from 
other nations $1,653,426,174 worth of 
their products, as against $1,311,920,- 
224 worth in 1909, an increase of 
$341,505,950. 

The Tariff Board. 

The Payne-Aldrich Bill provided 
for a Tariff Board to assist the Presi- 
dent in instituting the maximum and 
minimum tariff system. The propo- 
sition, as it was adopted in the clos- 
ing hours of the Sixty-first Congress, 
made the Board non-partisan, and 
gave it five members. 

It is under such a system that the 
tariffs of Europe are now made. 

Under this system, although trade 
agreements with other nations and 
single changes were made, there has 
been no general tariff revision in 
Great Britain for 68 years. 



THE PAYXE-ALDRICH LAW 23 

It would be so here with a non-par- 
tisan Tariff Board, but the Demo- 
crats in the Sixty-second Congress 
refused to vote for any appropriations 
for its continuance. 

The Republican Party pledged it- 
self, in its platform declaration of 
1912, to submit every schedule of the 
Payne-Aldrich law to the investiga- 
tion of a permanent non-partisan 
Tariff Board, to be named by the 
President and confirmed by the Sen- 
ate, and to adjust the rates in accord- 
ance with the facts shown by such 
investigations. 



24 



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BRIEF HISTORY OF THE 

TARIFFS OF THE 

UNITED STATES. 



By J. L. Babler, 

Chairman Missouri Republican 
State Committee. 



Protection to American labor and 
industry was one of the leading mo- 
tives, which led to the Constitution. 
Webster said: "Without that provi- 
sion in the Constitution, it never could 
have been adopted." 

On the fourth day of July, 1789, 
President George Washington ap- 
proved the first protective tariff act 
passed by the American Congress. 
The Federal Party was then in power. 
It controlled the government for 
twelve years, from 1789 to 1801, and 
was succeeded by the Democratic 
Party, then called the Republican 
Party. In the course of its career 
the name underwent various changes, 
the term Democrats, in a party sense, 
being adopted in 1832. The Demo- 
cratic Party was, for more than fifty 
years, also in favor of a protective 
policy. Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, 



BRIEF HISTORY OF TARIFFS <>F V. S. 29 

Jackson, Clay, and many other Dem- 
ocratic leaders were protectionists. 
The sentiment in the Southern States 
was for protection until about 1824, 
when it changed, owing to the fact 
that they were agricultural states, 
producing and exporting chiefly cot- 
ton and tobacco. 

In 1812, under Madison, the duties 
were doubled, the increase resulting, 
notwithstanding the war with Eng- 
land, in an immense gain of national 
wealth and business activity. In 
1816, also under Madison, the duties 
were raised to an average of about 20 
per cent. 

The country was, nevertheless, 
flooded with goods from abroad, and 
particularly from England, because 
of the stocks that had accumulated 
there for several years owing to the 
war. An industrial depression came 
which lasted until 1824, when, under 
Monroe, a thoroughly protective 
tariff law was enacted. The results 
were most beneficial. New life was 
infused into the nation, and the entire 
country moved on to a higher plane 
in industrial progress. 

President Adams and his Demo- 
cratic friends were ardent protection- 
ists, and in 1828 the duties were made 
still higher. But the law brought 
dissatisfaction in the South, and in 
1832, under Jackson, Mr. Clay secur- 



30 BRIEF HISTORY OF TARIFFS OF U. S. 

ed the passage of the compromise 
tariff bill, providing for a general re- 
duction every two years, until at the 
end of 10 years only 20 per cent, the 
standard demanded by the South, 
should remain. The bill left the pro- 
tective principle intact. 

The years immediately following 
the adoption of the bill were pros- 
perous, but later on the tariff reduc- 
tion, an unduly expanded credit sys- 
tem, and the issuance of paper money 
by unsound banks, caused in 1837, 
the first year of Van Buren's adminis- 
tration, a panic, bringing the greatest 
business depression which the coun- 
try had, up to that time, known. 

After controlling the government 
for forty years, the Democratic Party 
was routed in the election of 1840, 
the Whig candidates, Harrison and 
Tyler being chosen. The Tariff of 
1842 was an adequate protective 
measure, and a revival of industry 
immediately followed. 

With the election of Polk in 1844, 
the Democrats again became the rul- 
ing partv, and in 1846 framed the 
Walker Tariff. The duties were low- 
er, but still protective. They were 
exclusively ad valorem, and arranged 
by schedules. Schedule C, with a 30 
per cent duty, included most articles 
with which the protective policy is 
concerned. 



BRIEF HISTORY OF TARIFFS OF U. S. 31 

From 1846 to 1857 there were 
periods of prosperity, owing largely 
to increased demands abroad for our 
agricultural products, due to foreign 
wars and famines, yet, notwithstand- 
ing these favorable conditions, the 
Walker Tariff checked our industrial 
progress. 

The tariff act of 1846 was not 
changed by the Whig Party, which 
came into power under Taylor and 
Fillmore, in 1849, and remained in 
control till 1853. The Democrats, 
during the administration of Pierce, 
from 1853 to 1857, also left it un- 
changed. 

In the tariff law of March 3, 1857, 
the Democrats, under Buchanan, 
again greatly reduced the duties, and 
a severe panic followed, carrying 
widespread distress to commerce and 
industry. 

When the Republicans came into 
power, under Lincoln, in 1861, the 
country was nearly bankrupt, its 
Treasury empty, its industries pros- 
trated, its expenditures exceeding re- 
ceipts, and its balance of trade un- 
favorable. 

The Morrill bill, intended to raise 
revenue for the Government, and af- 
ford protection to our labor and in- 
dustries, was enacted, going into 
effect April 12, 1861, and the Repub- 
lican Party has from that time advo- 



32 BRIEF HISTORY OF TARIFFS OF U. S. 

cated and enacted tariff laws, which 
gave ample protection to American 
labor and industry against the com- 
petition of cheaper labor abroad. 
During the war the Morrill law was 
repeatedly amended to meet existing 
conditions. After the war numerous 
changes were made, reducing many 
of the high rates made necessary as 
revenue producers during the "war 
period. 

The McKinley law, on the reciproc- 
ity basis, went into effect on October 
6, 1890. It changed from ad valorem 
to specific rates, and enlarged the free 
list. It was the best tariff law that 
had ever been framed up to that time, 
and brought the country to the height 
of its prosperity and progress. 

In 1892 Cleveland and a Democratic 
Congress were elected. Anticipating 
the enactment of a revenue tariff, a 
financial and industrial panic came 
over the 'country. On August 27, 
1894, the Democrats passed the Gor- 
man-Wilson bill. There was a gen- 
eral reduction of duties, and the re- 
sults were disastrous to all industry 
and labor. 

The panic continued until it was 
arrested by the enactment of the 
Dingley law, under McKinley, on July 
24, 1897, a distinctively protective 
measure. A decade of great activity 
and prosperity followed. The annual 



BRIEF HISTORY OF TARIFFS OF V. S. 33 

exports of manufactures grew from 
$300,000,000 to over $700,000,000, 
and the individual bank deposits from 
$5,000,000,000 to $13,000,000,000. 

The financial panic of 1907, which 
eventually spread to the industrial 
and commercial world, was brought 
on by various agencies, the main 
causes being overspeculation result- 
ing from a ten year season of unin- 
terrupted prosperity, a system of cur- 
rency not elastic enough for the 
abnormal demand for money, and 
legislation enacted by the Republican 
Party for the regulation of the trusts. 
It took time for business to adjust it- 
self to this legislation, notwithstand- 
ing that it was framed and applied 
with great precaution. The disturb- 
ance continued far into the following 
year, when gradually the business of 
the country assumed its normal con- 
dition. 

Owing to the belief that certain in- 
dustries derived undue advantage 
from the Tariff, the Republican Party 
resolved to revise it, and, under Taft, 
adopted the Payne- Aldrich law, which 
went into operation on August 5, 
1909. It is protective, but there is 
a decided reduction in many rates of 
duty. It resulted in a large increase 
in imports of free merchandise, low 
ad valorem duties, increased revenue, 
and a period of prosperity. 



?A BRIEF HISTORY OF TARIFFS OF U. S. 

In 1912 the Democrats regained the 
control of the Government, and the 
Democratic Congress passed the 
Underwood-Simmons law, which was 
approved by President Wilson on 
October 3, 1913. Hie law, as every 
impartial student bf history could 
have foretold, brought disaster, and 
plunged the country into the same 
depths of adversity as the preceding 
Democratic tariff law, the Wilson- 
Gorman bill. Millions |of working- 
men have been thrown out of em- 
ployment. 

The prices of the necessaries of life 
continue to soar, a fact proving the 
fallacy of the assertion that the ad- 
vance in the cost of living came from 
the Payne-Aldrich law, the effective 
argument which Democratic speakers 
and the Democratic press constantly 
dinned into the public ear during the 
campaigns of 1910 and 1912. Now, 
of course, the Democrats admit the 
untruthfulness of this charge, and 
even proclaim themselves that the ad- 
vance is not confined to this country 
but is world-wide. 

The business depression began im- 
mediately after the election, in antici- 
pation of the Democratic tariff. The 
European war has aggravated the, 
situation, but by temporarily disor- 
ganizing business abroad, it has also 
the effect of stimulating for the time 



BRIEF HISTORY OF TARIFFS OF U. S. 35 

being, some of our industries. There 
is, however, little hope for a per- 
manent return to prosperity before 
a return to common sense, and the re- 
enactment of a sound Republican 
protective tariff law. 



OUR NEED FOR A NATION 
AL POLICY. 



By Charles Nagel, 

Former Secretary of Commerce 
and Labor. 



The reversal of popular opinion ex- 
pressed in the last election is gen- 
erally attributed to dissatisfaction 
with the Democratic tariff measure. 
But, however pronounced that dis- 
satisfaction may be, it is safe to say 
that the true reason lies deeper than 
that; and may be traced to a funda- 
mental distrust for the general atti- 
tude of the Democratic party to every 
question that calls for the employ- 
ment of national powers. 

It is perfectly true that the Dem- 
ocratic administration has endeavored 
to grapple with national problems; 
but between historical abhorrence of 
Federal authority, and belated at- 
tempts to settle irrepressible con- 
flicts, the results have been either 
half-hearted measures, or laws so ex- 
travagant in the use of power, that 
neither has inspired public confidence. 

This condition is not new. The 



OUR NEED FOB A NATIONAL POLICY 31 

same fatal defect may be traced with 
substantially unfailing truth, in all 
important Democratic national meas- 
ures. From the beginning the Dem- 
ocratic party has stood for State as 
against Federal authority; with this 
distinction that in the early days 
State authority was at least intelli- 
gently employed; and today it is 
neglected for the spasmodic and 
haphazard employment of Federal 
authority. 

A few illustrations will serve to 
demonstrate the truth of this observa- 
tion at this time. Every effort to 
enact a currency law was frustrated 
by the Democrats upon the avowed 
ground that the Republicans contem- 
plated too much centralization of 
power. To-day we have a currency 
law at the hands of the Democrats 
which embodies the substantial 
recommendations of the Republican 
party; but which excels in the point 
of centralization by placing the final 
supervision of the currency system in 
the hands of a governmental board — 
essentially within executive control. 

Similarly the Democratic party has 
for years successfully opposed gov- 
ernmental support for a merchant 
marine. Every measure looking to 
that end w r as defeated by the well- 
organized opposition to subsidies of 
any kind. To-day the same party is 



38 OUR NEED FOR A NATIONAL POLICY 

committed to the purchase of foreign 
ships with public funds. It is not 
contended that the government should 
permanently remain in the shipping 
business; but it is said that such a 
purchase will serve to establish 
American shipping, and will finally 
induce private enterprise to engage in 
that shipping. Why the competition 
of the government would make the 
business more attractive to private 
enterprise, is not clear; but that the 
new scheme w r ould for the present 
have the government do entirely what 
heretofore it was only recommended 
to support in part, is altogether clear. 

With the Panama Canal toll meas- 
ure the experience was similar. It 
had been the policy of our country to 
exempt our domestic and coastwise 
shipping from all burdens on account 
of harbor, lake and river improve- 
ments. Those improvements had 
cost very considerably more than the 
Panama Canal. That policy was ap- 
plied to the Canal to make sure that 
our shipping might at least not be dis- 
couraged at the very time when the 
completion of the Canal raised legit- 
imate hope for the enlargement of 
our merchant marine. Both political 
parties endorsed that policy in their 
last platforms. To-day the Democratic 
administration has reversed that 
policy. Not expressly, because the 



OUR NEED FOR A NATIONAL POLICY 39 

exemption for our coastwise service 
signified a subsidy; nor indeed for 
any avowed reason. And up to this 
time we are left to speculate which 
particular foreign country we ap- 
peased, or what foreign accommo- 
dation or aid we obtained in consider- 
ation for this surrender of our do- 
mestic policy. 

The much heralded tariff measure 
that was promised, to reduce the cost 
of living, has had no such effect. On 
the contrary, the countries upon 
whose cheap imports we were to de- 
pend, are in no position to deliver, and 
our own industries are afraid to start 
anew during the interim, In the 
meantime we have lost a large part of 
the customs revenue, and have sub- 
stituted for it the income tax and the 
war tax. 

We need a settled commercial pol- 
icy that will restore peace and order, 
and inspire confidence. We need a 
policy urder which large concerns 
may 'ndeed be regulated ; but may al- 
so survive to compete in foreign mar- 
kets. We need large industries, pros- 
perous railroads, and an effective mer- 
chant marine. 

Finally, we need a foreign political 
policy that we can understand. War 
is abhorrent; but the entanglements 
and compromises of a weak and vac- 
illating foreign policy are ultimately 



40 OUR NEED FOR A NATIONAL POLICY 

more dangerous than war itself. If 
the Monroe Doctrine is only a phrase, 
abandon it. If it is more than that, 
define and employ it. If we are de- 
termined to assert rights under that 
Doctrine, let us state them ; and if to 
do so we must assume corresponding 
obligations, let us do that. 

At home and abroad we deal too 
much in laws, rules, platforms and 
phrases. We must come down to 
business ; and the one party that can 
shape the course of the Nation's busi- 
ness is the Republican party, the 
party that has always stood for, and 
now stands for, the national idea. 



BLUNDERING DEMOCRACY. 



By Henry King 

President Republican Editorial 
Association of Missouri. 



The Republicans, while in power, 
were always able to run the Govern- 
ment with the proceeds from the tar- 
iff, without being forced to have re- 
course to direct taxation other than 
the usual internal revenue taxes. The 
Democrats increased the corporation 
tax, and enacted an income tax and a 
special w r ar tax measure, in their at- 
tempt to fill the emptiness resulting 
from the tariff reduction and the ex- 
travagance of the present Democratic 
administration, notwithstanding the 
demand in the Democratic platform 
of 1912 for a return to Democratic 
simplicity and economy. 

It appears, however, that even the 
addition of the so-called war tax, es- 
timated to yield $90,000,000 a year, 
will not procure sufficient revenue to 
make both ends meet. The adminis- 
tration is confronted with a new de- 
ficit, and the President and cabinet 
are wrestling with w T ays and means of 



42 BLUNDERING DEMOCRACY 

overcoming it. The new deficit is es- 
timated at $60,000,000, which does 
not include the proposed expenditure 
for the Government's venture in the 
shipping business. The $30,000,000, 
or $40,000,000 required for this pur- 
pose, is to be raised by the sale of 
Panama bonds. There seems now to 
be less fear of the demoralizing effect 
of such a sale than at the time that 
the President urged Congress to levy 
the war tax. 

We are informed that two plans of 
meeting the emergency are under con- 
sideration, both of "which may be 
adopted. One is to reduce the ap- 
propriation in the new rivers and har- 
bors bill, and the other to lower the 
exemption of the income tax. 

The Treasury Department, in order 
to add to the receipts from this tax, 
has adopted a regulation which will 
in all probability not be upheld by the 
courts. It prohibits the deduction of 
losses actually sustained during the 
year unless such losses arise from the 
regular trade or business of the in- 
come tax payer. The rule finds no 
support in the language of the statute, 
and violates every precept of common 
sense and justice. 

To help the crippled Treasury, sugar 
will probably not be permitted to q-o 
on the free list on May 1, 1916. the 
date fixed by the Underwood-Sim- 



BLUNDERING DEMOCRACY 



mons act for the final tariff cut on 
this product. 

The annual report of the Depart- 
ment of Commerce shows that the to- 
tal value of imports for the calendar 
year 1914 was only $3,574,054 less 
than for the preceding calendar year. 
This points out clearly that the re- 
duction of the tariff has been a sig- 
nificant factor in creating the deficit. 

The tariff revision has also been 
the dominant factor in intimidating 
and discouraging the business of the 
country, and throwing millions of 
working men out of employment. 
Within two months after the revision 
went into effect, Democratic leaders 
proclaimed that business had already 
adjusted itself to the new conditions. 
As a matter of fact it has even now 
not become adjusted to the change. 
The indications are that it never will, 
and that we shall not get back to pros- 
perity before we have Republican rule 
and a protective tariff. 

The figures in the tables on pages 
24—27, compiled from a report 
of the Department of Commerce, and 
showing the progress of the country 
under four consecutive Republican 
administrations are positively start- 
ling, and not less so than the action on 
the part of the President in selecting 
members of the Federal Reserve 
Board and the Federal Trade Commis- 



44 BLUNDERING DEMOCRACY 

sion without naming a single Repub- 
lican. His unfairness cannot fail to 
impress itself on the mind of every 
good citizen who is familiar with the 
splendid results achieved by the Re- 
publican party. 

Every great national idea, from the 
time that the Republicans came into 
power in 1861, had its birth in the 
councils of the Republican party, and, 
in the course of that whole period, 
Democratic administrations were only 
successful in so far as they adopted 
Republican ideas. 

The present currency law embodies 
substantially the recommendations of 
the Republican party, although every 
attempt which it made to have such a 
law enacted was defeated by the Dem- 
ocrats. 

The latter likewise frustrated every 
Republican measure to subsidize a 
merchant marine. Now, instead of 
adopting this sound Republican pol- 
icy, which is also the policy of the 
leading maritime nations of the world, 
the Democrats plan to put on the 
Government the entire outlay for the 
acquisition >of a merchant marine; 
now their scheme is to have the Gov- 
ernment go into the shipping busi- 
ness, and, instead of being a helpful 
friend of private enterprise, to be- 
come its competitor. They pay no 
heed to the international difficulties 



BLUNDERING DEMOCRACY 45 

that the Government would face upon 
the passage of their Ship Purchase 
Bill. The chances are, however, that 
the Democrats will not accomplish 
anything in this matter, and that they 
will fail to take advantage of the now 
existing matchless opportunities for 
American navigation. 

The Panama Canal toll measure, 
which the Democrats enacted, rever- 
ses the Republican policy to exempt 
coastwise shipping from the payment 
of canal tolls, and violates a pledge to 
that effect in the Democratic plat- 
form of 1912. 

Whenever the Democrats neglect to 
be guided by Republican ideas, we 
may expect them to do anything in 
the line of erratic legislation. Their 
blundering tactics, when they follow 
their own judgment, are wonderful. 

A redeeming feature of the present 
Democratic rule is the likelihood that 
it will soon be over. The Republicans 
have practically reunited, and all 
signs point to it that they will sweep 
the country in 1916. There is also 
every reason to predict that the state 
of Missouri will then contribute her 
share to the victory, and elect a Re- 
publican governor, and a Republican 
United States senator, and also cast 
her vote for the Republican candidate 
for President. 



THE STORY OF TWO 
ELECTIONS. 



An Instructive Comparision of the 

Votes by States in 1912 

and in 1914. 



By W. G. Kitchen, 

Secretary Missouri Republican 
State Committee. 



According to a careful analysis, 
the November election of 1914 proves 
three very important political facts: 

First, the Republicans carried upon 
national issues states that would give 
a clear majority in the Electoral Col- 
lege and elect a Republican president. 

Second, the Democratic majority in 
the next House is only the result of 
the Progressive vote in certain dis- 
tricts of the country, and the Demo- 
crats are really a minority party in 
the House of Representatives. 

Third, two-thirds of the Progres- 
sive vote of 1912 did not only cease to 
support Progressive candidates, but 
returned to the support of Republican 
principles and candidates. 



THE STORY OF TWO ELECTIONS 47 

These three propositions represent 
the analysis of the official figures of 
the votes cast in thirty-eight states. 

The Republicans carried twenty- 
three states, which in the Electoral 
College cast 288 votes for president, 
a clear majority of 22 over the 266 
necessary for a choice. There are 
three states which may be temporari- 
ly classed as doubtful, as on national 
issues they divide their allegiance. 
These are Oregon, South Dakota and 
Nevada, in which Democratic .sen- 
ators were chosen, but Republican 
House delegations were elected. 
Republican Gain of 2,489,588. 

At this election 230 Democratic 
candidates were successful. In thirty- 
nine of the congressional districts, 
however, the Progressive vote was 
larger than the Democratic plurality, 
so that, had it not been for the Pro- 
gressive vote the Democratic mem- 
bership in the House would be only 
191, with 218 necessary for a major- 
ity. The Progressive vote also elec- 
ted four Democratic senators — those 
in Colorado, California, Indiana and 
Oregon. 

The question of what has become 
of the Progressive vote of 1912 is 
well answered in the late election re- 
turns. In the thirty-eight states whose 
returns have been compiled there is 
a Republican gain of 2,489,588 over 



^> THE ST rWO ELECTIONS 

the Republican presidential vote of 
1912. There is a Progressive loss of 
2,507,811, as compared with the pres- 
idential vote of the party two years 
ago. In other words, the Progres- 
sive loss is within less than 1 per cent 
of being the same as the Republican 
gain. 

In the twenty-three states which 
put themselves in the Republican col- 
umn, the Republican plurality over 
the Democratic vote was over 1,000,- 
000; whereas, in 1912, the Wilson 
vote in the same states w r as larger 
than the Taft vote by over a million. 
Of the total vote cast by the three 
parties in these states in 1914, the 
Republicans cast 49.6 per cent, the 
Democrats 38.9 per cent, and the Pro- 
gressives 11.5 per cent. In 1912, the 
presidential vote cast was: Republi- 
cans, 28.4 per cent; Democrats, 39.7 
per cent, and Progressives, 31.9 per 
cent. 

The twenty-three states are: Con- 
necticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, 
Iowa, Kansas, Massachusetts, Mich- 
igan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, 
New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, 
North Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania, 
Rhode Island, Utah, Vermont, Wash- 
ington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, 
and Wyoming. The total Republi- 
can vote cast in these states is 4,113,- 
319, Democratic 3,215,426, and Pro- 



THE .sTOKY OF TWO ELECTIONS 19 

gressive 956,467. These states in 
1912 gave Taft 2,477,372; Wilson, 
3,495,704, and Roosevelt, 2,805,748. 

Of the total Progressive vote cast 
by these twenty-three states, it is in- 
teresting to note that half of it was 
cast by two states, Illinois and Penn- 
sylvania, and near tw r o-thirds of the 
total by the three states of Illinois, 
Pennsylvania and Kansas. 

Take the figures from twelve states 
in which Republicans were not suc- 
cessful at the election. In the total 
votes cast in these states, the Demo- 
crats won by a plurality of less than 
200,000. In 1912 the Democratic 
plurality in these twelve states was 
over a million. A very small percen- 
tage of Republican gain would have 
put three of these states into the Re- 
publican column, as an increase of a 
little over 5,000 Republican votes 
would have carried Nebraska, Colo- 
rado and Maine, with their twenty 
votes in the electoral college. 

The twelve states in question are 
Alabama, Arizona, California, Colo- 
rado, Indiana, Kentucky, Maine, 
Maryland, Missouri, Montana, Ne- 
braska and North Carolina. 

Taking all of the thirty-eight states 
together, the Republicans at the No- 
vember election cast 47 per cent of 
the total Republican, Democratic and 
Progressive vote. The Democrats 



50 THE STORY OF TWO ELECTIONS 

cast 41 per cent and the Progressives 
12 per cent of the total vote. In 1912 
in the same states the Republicans 
cast 26 per cent of this total, the Dem- 
ocrats 43 per cent and the Progres- 
sives 31 per cent. 

It was the Progressive vote that 
saved the control of the House of 
Representatives to the Democrats. 
They elected twelve more than a ma- 
jority of the House, whereas in 39 
Congressional districts Democrats 
were chosen because of the candi- 
dacy of Progressives. 

I believe that the great party of 
1860 is gatherfng together for the 
coming presidential election with a 
force and a zeal and a resolution that 
will inevitably carry it, under that 
standard bearer who may be nomina- 
ted, to certain victory in 1916. 



DEMOCRATIC 
EXTRAVAGANCE. 



From Remarks of Representative Gillett, 
Ranking Minority Member of Committee 
on Appropriations in the House, Septem- 
ber 12, 1914. 

It seems to be Democratic nature 
to be inefficient and unbusinesslike. 
The record shows that during the first 
year of Cleveland's last administra- 
tion, with his party in full control of 
both branches of Congress, none of 
the 12 general appropriation bills was 
passed until several days after the 
fiscal year had begun, and some of 
them not for many weeks. The last 
two years of that administration of 
Mr. Cleveland, Congress was controll- 
ed by the Republicans, and, needless 
to state, the public business, so far as 
that body was concerned, was 
promptly dispatched ; all of the appro- 
priation bills were enacted in due sea- 
son and before the beginning of 
either of the fiscal years for which 
they made provision. 

And now as soon as the Democratic 
party gains power again they repeat 
their former practice and illustrate 



52 DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 

again what we have always criticized 
them for — inefficiency and incapacity 
for business management. 

It took the Democratic party eight 
months at the present long session, 
with counting the extra session and 
nine months at the last long session, 
to pass all of the appropriation bills. 
With such a record of mismanage- 
ment in handling this important 
phase of legislation, with what hopes 
can the country look forward to its 
passing these same bills in the less 
than three months which will consti- 
tute the coming short session? It 
is not at all unlikely that some of the 
appropriation bills will remain uncom- 
pleted by March 4 next, and such a 
condition would necessitate the call- 
ing of another extra session of Con- 
gress. 

Aggregate Appropriations and Esti- 
mates Largest in History — River 
and Harbor and Public Building 
Profligacies. 

But damaging and expensive delay 
is not the only feature which calls for 
criticism in the appropriations of this 
Congress. The grand total of appro- 
priations made thus far is $1,089,408,- 
777.26, which sum includes no amount 
for a river and harbor bill. This 
statement dates from early in Au- 
gust, and does not include the five 
millions for insurance or anything 



DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 53 

since then. The estimates submitted 
for a river and harbor bill amounted 
to $34,266,395. On these estimates 
the Committee on Rivers and Harbors 
prepared and passed through the 
House, on the 26th of March last, a 
bill appropriating, $39,408,004, and 
authorizing $4,061,500 additional in 
contracts, a total of $43,469,504, or 
an excess of $9,293,109 over the esti- 
mates submitted by President Wilson, 
which were so large that they exceed 
those submitted at either session of 
the last Congress by President Taft. 

The last Congress, when all the 
branches of the Government were 
controlled by the Republicans, was 
the Sixty-first, and the appropriations 
made in the last session of that Con- 
gress for the year 1912 were $1,026,- 
682,881.72. These appropriations 
were denounced by the Democrats as 
profligately extravagant, and yet 
they are exceeded by the appropria- 
tions of this first Congress of Demo- 
cratic control by $63,000,000. Leave 
out the river and harbor bill of that 
session, as I am leaving it out for this 
session, and the difference is about 
$100,000,000. 

Not only do the appropriations 
made at this session, exclusive of a 
river and harbor bill, amounting to 
the enormous sum of $1,089,408,777- 
.26, exceed for the first year of an in- 



54 DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 

coming Democratic administration 
by the large sum named the extrava- 
gant appropriations of the last ses- 
sion, made by an overwhelmingly 
Democratic House, but the very esti- 
mates or recommendations submitted 
to this Congress by the Democratic 
Executive exceed those presented for 
the first year of Mr. Taft's adminis- 
tration, omitting river and harbor es- 
timates for both periods, by more 
than $100,000,000, and for only one 
of the two following years of that Re- 
publican administration did the esti- 
mates barely reach within $100,000,- 
000 of what seems to be required by 
the Democrats to conduct the Gov- 
ernment according to their tradition- 
al, and what are now shown to be 
purely legendary, notions of economy. 
The appropriations for this session, 
for which Congress is directly respon- 
sible, not only exceed those of any 
previous session, but the estimates or 
recommendations for appropriations 
submitted by the President and for 
which he is almost wholly answerable 
greatly exceed those ever before sub- 
mitted by any President. 

This prodigious increase in expendi- 
tures is not confined to some one par- 
ticular line or of certain committees. 
It is characteristic of them all. Com- 
pare the appropriation bills of this 
session with the corresponding bills 



DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 56 

of the first session of the Taft admin- 
istration and you will find that every 
single bill of this session is larger 
than the corresponding bill of that 
session, except the Military Academy 
bill, which is the smallest of them all, 
appropriating only about a million 
dollars. So that the inciease is gen- 
eral and all-pervading and has but one 
insignificant exception. If all those 
Republican bills were as extravagant 
as the Democrats then insisted, what 
shall be said of their bills which now 
vastly exceed them, both in the grand 
total and in each separate bill? I 
give here the total appropriations of 
each year since the beginning of the 
Taft administration, omitting from 
each one the river and harbor bill, be- 
cause that bill for this session is still 
pending in the Senate. If I should 
leave in all the river and harbor ap- 
propriations and in this session use 
the amount of that bill as it now 
stands in the Senate, reported from 
the Senate committee, the compari- 
son would be still more unfavorable 
for this Democratic Congress. I 
might suggest, moreover, that this 
year the appropriation for the Isth- 
mian Canal is only $21,000,000, while 
it has reached as high as forty-eight 
millions in a single year, and while 
that increased the size of the appro- 
priations for that year, it was no 



36 DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 

gauge of the economy of Congress, 
because in each year we appropriated 
whatever the engineers needed. 

Total Appropriations, Excluding 
River and Harbor Acts. 

1911 (Republican) $978,521,087.68 

1912 (Republican) 995,799,462.72 

1913 (Republican) 988,353,340.41 

1914 (Democratic) 1,057,605,694.40 

1915 (Democratic) 1,089,408,777.26 
Excessive by all comparison as is 

the sum total of expenditures author- 
ized for this first year of complete 
control of the Government by a Dem- 
ocratic Executive and a Congress 
Democratic in both branches, still 
more startling are some of the details 
developed by analysis of how the enor- 
mous total of nearly $1,100,000,000 
has been recklessly piled up. 

The Broken Pledges. 

How can the country believe their 
constant professions of economy? 
In the large totals and in the individ- 
ual instances alike they prove that 
they are faithless. The estimates 
which were sent to Congress by the 
President were larger than ever be- 
fore, the appropriations based on 
these estimates by the Congress were 
larger than ever before. The Demo- 
cratic Executive who made the re- 



DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 57 

quests and the Democratic Legisla- 
ture which granted them were equally 
culpable. Apparently for them a 
party platform is, in the language of 
to-day's diplomacy, but a "scrap of 
paper", to be violated at the first 
temptation. 

Our opinion of a man or a party is 
determined not only by his conduct, 
but by a comparison of his conduct 
with his professions. Conduct which 
we might excuse in one because justi- 
fied by his beliefs we condemn in 
another because at variance with his 
declared principles. To do yourself 
what you denounce others for doing, 
proves you either a weakling or a hyp- 
ocrite. To seek popularity and pow- 
er on a platform which you abandon 
as soon as successful ought to forfeit 
future confidence and respect. As 
the Democratic President and Con- 
gress have broken their party pledges 
on the canal tolls and on the civil ser- 
vice, so have they broken that most 
venerable, reiterated, and invariable 
promise of economy. 

"The Horrible Mess." 

From Remarks of Representative Fitzgerald 
(Democrat), in the House, April 10, 1914. 

In a few months I shall be called up- 
on in the discharge of my official du- 



58 DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 

ties to review the record that this 
Democratic Congress shall have made 
in its authorization of the expendi- 
tures of the public moneys. When- 
ever I think of the horrible mess that 
I shall be called upon to present to 
the country on behalf of the Demo- 
cratic party, I am tempted to quit my 
place. 

"More Than Ever Before." 

From Remarks of Representative Sisson 
(Democrat), in the House, December 4, 
1913. 

I am afraid, gentlemen of the 
House, that we will expend more 
money this year than has ever been 
expended in the history of this Gov- 
ernment before in any one year. 

"Larger Than Ever Before." 

From Remarks of Representative Mann 
(Republican), in the House, September 
25, 1914. 

I deny that there is any need for 
additional internal-revenue taxation 
at this time. I assert that the Gov- 
ernment can run along without em- 
barrassment if it will exercise proper 
economy. The present Democratic 
administration has been more gross- 
ly extravagant than any administra- 
tion which preceded it. The requests 
of the present administration for 
appropriations have been for larger 



DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE •"!> 

sums than ever before asked by any 
administration of the Government. 
The appropriations which have been 
made are larger than ever made be- 
fore. These larger appropriations 
have been made in response to de- 
mands of the administration officials, 
but it is not too late for the Presi- 
dent to order the officials under him 
to practice economy, and many of the 
appropriations already made do not 
need to be expended, at least for the 
present. 

If the President will stop the ex- 
travagance of the Government and 
practice as well as preach economy, 
there is no need for increased taxa- 
tion. 

The Democratic party has shown 
that it does not know how to reduce 
the cost of living, though it has re- 
duced the means of earning a living. 



"Burden Upon Burden." 

From Remarks of Representative Lindbergh 
(Republican), in the House, September 
25, 1914. 

The President, in a message, asks 
us to vote a war tax, but why? We 
have no war and expect none. The 
only way we could get into a war 
would be to go around with a chip on 
our shoulders, challenging other na- 
tions to knock it off. They do not 
want war with us. The President, of 



60 DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 

course is in good faith, but what he 
really proposes is to patch an un- 
natural system which is already worn 
in every part to shreds. The Presi- 
dent proposes burden upon burden. 
The last straw breaks the camel's 
back. It is true that Europe is 
ablaze and the destruction of life and 
property is tremendous; but nothing 
should be destroyed here as a result 
of the war, so why should we allow 
the European war to destroy our rea- 
son ? We could easilv economize and 
save more than the $100,000,000 tax, 
and our economy, if properly exer- 
cised, would deprive no one. 

"More Reckless and More 
Extravagant." 

From Remarks of Representative Norton 
(Republican), in the House, September 
25, 194. 

How inconsistent t have been the 
practices of the party since it has 
come into power! With the Demo- 
cratic party in full power and the 
South in the saddle, the party has 
shown its inability to manage the 
country. Th's Congress has been 
more reckless and more extravagant 
in its appropriations and expendi- 
tures than any Congress in the his- 
tory of the country. 



DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE 01 

The Tax Gatherer is Busy." 

From Remarks of Representative Langley 
(Republican), in the House, September 
25, 1914. 

Two years ago mills were running, 
trains were running, candidates were 
running. To-day only the candidates 
are running. 

Two years ago men were busy, 
money was busy. To-day the tax- 
gatherer is busy. 



A DEMOCRAT PLEADS FOR 
A TARIFF BOARD. 



Mr. John J. Whitacre, whom the 
Democrats of the 18th Congressional 
District of Ohio elected to the Sixty- 
second and Sixty-third Congress, in 
a speech in the House on January 23, 
1915, vigorously urged favorable ac- 
tion on the bill introduced by Repub- 
lican Leader Mann, providing for the 
appointment of a non-partisan tariff 
board, startling his party colleagues. 

"The only item in the tariff that the 
Democrats can defend as having re- 
duced the tariff without injuring an 
American industry is that affecting 
clay products/' declared Whitacre. 
"An impartial investigation has 
shown that the East Liverpool (Ohio) 
potteries were not injured by the re- 
duction in tariff in the Underwood- 
Simmons law. 

"Many other industries in my state 
have been seriously injured. If we 
could pass a law creating such a tariff 
board, as Mr. Mann has proposed, we 
could make an impartial investigation 
on every item and give the American 
manufacturers a square deal. If 
they show that they have been injur- 



PLEA FOR A TARIFF BOARD 63 

ed, the Democratic party owes it to 
them to remove the cause. 

"We promised to revise the tariff 
without injury to any legitimate 
American industry. The general de- 
pression shows conclusively that var- 
ious industries have been injured. ,, 

Many Employees Laid Off. 

"Does the gentleman, then, believe 
in basing the tariff on the difference 
in cost at home and abroad ?" asked 
Representative Good of Iowa (Repub- 
lican). 

"It would be impossible to revise the 
tariff without doing injury to our in- 
dustries unless we know the differ- 
ence in cost at home and abroad," re- 
plied Whitacre. 

The Ohio Democrat read extracts 
from speeches made by prominent 
men in the leading industries, showing 
that large numbers of employees have 
been taken off the pay rolls and sal- 
aries of other thousands reduced. 

"While I can argue here that the 
tariff is not wholly to blame for this 
general business depression," he said, 
"I cannot go out to Canton and tell 
idle workingmen that. Men whose 
only possession is an empty dinner 
pail or a -reduced pay envelope cannot 
be convinced that the tariff is not re- 
sponsible for their present situation. 
They had work when the new tariff 



G4 PLEA FOE A TARIFF BOARD 

was passed and are now out of work 
or receiving less pay. They natural- 
ly associate the two and cannot be 
convinced otherwise. 

"You can go down South and take 
the railroads and throw them into the 
gulf and the people will still vote the 
Democratic ticket. But you cannot 
go into Ohio and cripple the manu- 
facturing industries and get the peo- 
ple to do that." 



WHAT A DEMOCRAT SAID. 



Hon. John Sharp Williams, Demo- 
cratic senator from Mississippi, said 
in the Senate, April 8, 1914: 

"The poor, dear, old foolish Demo- 
cratic party is going through the same 
game that she can be generally trust- 
ed to go through with soon after she 
gets into power. 

"That is the Democratic Party ; that 
is its history; that is what led old 
Tom Reed to say in 1894 and 1895: 

'You can not last long because you 
are not accustomed to governing any- 
body or anything; you can not gov- 
ern the country; you can not even 
govern yourselves; you are incompe- 
tent !'" 



PLATFORM 



Adopted by the Republican State 

Convention of Missouri at St. 

Louis, August 25, 1914. 



The Republican! party of Missouri, through 
its legally chosen representatives in con- 
vention assembled, hail with satisfaction the 
multiplying evidences of the return of the 
Republican party to power in state and 
nation. 

The result of every primary, election or 
registration held since 1912, proves the con- 
stantly increasing drift toward the Repub- 
lican party, and demonstrates beyond ques- 
tion that the sole hope of the people for 
relief from the burdens of Democratic mis- 
rule is through the return to power of the 
Republican party. Renewed evidences of 
the unwise theory of government taught 
and administered by the Democratic party 
is found in the present industrial depres- 
sion which pervades the country today un- 
der the free trade policies of the party in 
power. 

The voters of Missouri and the nation im- 
patiently await the opportunity to correct 
the mistakes made in 1912. The present 
cor ^- turns are but a repetition of what the 
nation experienced from 1893 to 1897 under 
the administration of Grover Cleveland. 

The Democratic party has enacted a 
tariff law that has resulted in turning 
against us the balance of trade, taking from 
the American farmer the protection he has 



REPUBLICAN STATE PLATFORM C7 

enjoyed in the past, and leaving our people 
to tne mercy of the competition of the coolie 
labor of the Orient and cheap labor and 
lands of the South American Republics; 
taking" a duty from the manufactured prod- 
ucts of other countries that has resulted in 
flooding the American markets with foreign- 
made goods, forcing our domestic manufac- 
turers into bankruptcy and throwing more 
than a million of men out of employment, 
closing our mills and our mines and crip- 
pling our railroads, and bringing about a 
universal stagnation of business. Not sat- 
isfied with the ruin that is already manifest, 
they propose the enactment of additional 
laws to terrorize and throttle the business 
interests of the country. They have sought 
to relieve the financial stringency brought 
on by their unwise tariff legislation by the 
creation of a banking system that has not 
relieved the stringency, but has complicated 
and added additional burdens to the business 
world so as to destroy confidence, paralyze 
business, and render impossible the finan- 
cing of any enterprise, no matter how meri- 
torious. 

We condemn the present national admin- 
istration for its repeated violations of plight- 
ed faith with the people. It promised a 
revision of the tariff that would not disturb 
business; but has given us a sectional tariff 
measure which has disturbed and depressed 
business to an extent unknown since the 
last Democratic tariff revision. It promised 
a tariff which would lower the cost of living, 
and at the same time maintain wages and 
the price of farm products; but it has enact- 
ed a law which has not reduced the cost of 
living and has reduced wages and the price 
of farm products. 

It promised a strict adherence to civil 
service reform principles, but has stripped 
by farcical examinations the diplomatic ser- 



GS REPUBLICAN STATE PLATFORM 

vice, postal service and other branches of 
the government of its trained experts to 
make place for untrained Democratic parti- 
sans. 

It promised economy and retrenchment 
but has increased the appropriations more 
than a hundred million dollars annually. It 
promised the overthrow of caucus rule, but 
has given such an exhibition of the tyranny 
of the secret caucas as has never before 
been witnessed. 

It pledged the freedom of debate and de- 
liberation in Congress, and the curtailing of 
the power of the Speaker; it has resorted to 
"gag" rule, transferring to the Democratic 
floor leader all the power formerly vested in 
the Speaker. 

It declared for free tolls for American 
coastwise vessels through the Panama Ca- 
nal, but, at the behest of Great Britain, it 
has repealed the law providing for this ex- 
emption. It has declared repeatedly against 
centralization of government and aggres- 
sions by the executive, but has made of 
Congress a servile instrument of the execu- 
tive will. It declared against dollar diplo- 
macy, but has affected treaties with Hayti 
and Nicaragua, providing for it in flagrant 
form. 

It promised American producers freer 
access to the markets of the world, and 
gives us treasury figures which prove the 
rapid shrinkage of exports. It promised 
greater prosperity to the farmer, but gave 
him the competition of cheap labor and 
cheap lands of foreign countries. 

Protective Tariff. 

The Republican party is now, and always 
has been the consistent and steadfast advo- 
cate of protection to American labor and the 
promotion of American industry. We hold 
that the first duty of good government is to 



REPUBLICAN STATE PLATFORM 69 

protect the rights and promote the interests 
of its own people. 

We believe that all articles which cannot 
be produced in our own country, except 
luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, 
and that on all imports coming into compe- 
tition with American labor, there should be 
levied a duty equal to the difference between 
the cost of production at home and abroad. 

We believe that the products of the farm 
and that of the mine should receive the same 
measure of protection as the products of the 
factory. 

We hold that this is the true American 
policy; that it taxes foreign products and 
encourages home industry: that it puts the 
burden of revenue on the foreign producer, 
while, at the same time, it makes secure the 
American market for the American pro- 
ducer; that it upholds the standard of wages 
for the American working man. 

As a result of fifty years of protection the 
American market is the richest and best on 
earth and we believe in religiously preserv- 
ing that market for the American producer. 
For that reason we must vigorously protest 
against the Underwood Bill, passed by the 
present Democratic Congress. 

Realizing that a tariff too low brings de- 
structive competition, and that a tariff too 
high affords a shelter for monopoly, we are 
in favor of a non-partisan tariff commission, 
and demand of our Senators and Represen- 
tatives in Congress that proper legislation 
be sneedily enacted to establish such com- 
mission, to the end that all duties be adjust- 
ed to the exact difference between the cost 
of production at home and abroad. 

Panama Canal. 

The Panama Canal is a United States en- 
terprise. We bought, paid for, and own the 
canal. It is as much our property as the 



TO REPUBLICAN STATE PLATFORM 

Mississippi River. It is, however, a great 
public highway for the use of all foreign 
nations upon terms of exact equality. 
Under the treaties with other countries, 
under the Monroe Doctrine, and in justice 
to ourselves, no other nation can be per- 
mitted to share in its management or con- 
trol. 

We should fortify and maintain the canal 
for all time, and work out the details of its 
future operation without dictation or advice 
from any foreign power. 

Merchant Marine, 

The Republican party has consistently 
supported and championed the expansion of 
our merchant marines, while the Demo- . 
cratic party has tenaciously opposed every 
measure tending to this, and today we ob- 
serve the glaring fallacy of their course. 
No means of transportation are, in conse- 
quence of their attitude, available to ship 
our nation's products to foreign ports. 

Mexico. 

We emphatically disapprove the course of 
the Democratic administration toward Mex- 
ico. The policy of the administration 
should have been vigorous and decided, and 
a firm stand taken by the government should 
have made secure the lives and property of 
every American citizen living within the 
republic of Mexico. If lives and property 
were destroyed, prompt action should have 
been taken and indemnities demanded. 

The differences of the Republican party 
with the national administration, however, 
are differences of policy only, and not 
of patriotism, and we pledge our undivided 
support at all times to uphold the nation's 
honor and the nation's rights in Mexico or 
elsewhere. 



REPUBLICAN STATE PLATFORM 



International Arbitration. 

The Republican party of Missouri deeply 
deplores that a war — perhaps the most de- 
structive in the history of the human race — 
is now in progress in Europe, and again 
affirms its belief that international dif- 
ferences should be settled by arbitration. 

Pensions. 

We favor now, as we always have, the 
most generous provisions for the soldiers 
of the Republic, their widows and orphans. 
We condemn the methods of proof now em- 
ployed by the Democratic Commissioner of 
Pensions to obstruct and delay the payment 
of just claims under the existing laws. 

We deplore the removal from office of 
aged veterans of the Civil War by the pres- 
ent administration. 

Rural Credits. 

We favor such national legislation as will 
develop a modern system of rural credits, 
such as will prevent excessive interest rates 
and commissions. 

Against Nepotism. 

We recommend the enactment of such 
laws that will prevent the prevailing abuse 
in our state capitol of employing kinsmen 
instead of competent assistants. 

Child Labor. 

The Republican party reaffirms its stead- 
fast opposition to the child labor evil, and 
pledges itself to eradicate the same, if af- 
forded an opportunity to do so. 

Social and Industrial Conditions. 

We favor the enactment of a law that will 
grant better conditions and hours for the 



Ti' REFUEL! IE PLATE 

v:nter. •••::i-T-:;-:s in the stare. We fav- 
or the enforcement of all laws seeking to 
ntake the ~ irh.sitop r;::re sanitary and 
healthful, thereby reducing the spread of 
contagious diseases to the lowest possi 
minimum, and a more thorough safeguard- 
ing of all dangerous machinery that the 
toiler may be protected to the fullest degree. 
We are opposed to placing convict-made 
goods in competition with tbe products of 
free labor. 

Mining Laws. 

We believe there is room for improve 

in the mining laws of the state, bo the end 
the lives of miners shall be safeguard- 
ed and their interests promoted. 

Workmen's Compensation Law. 

i Republican party, always alive to the 
best interests of labor, and with a knowl- 
edge of the vast sums spent by employers 
and employes in litigation, believe? that a 

and equitable compensation law to both 
parties should be enacted, and we now renew 
:::;:e:r::: --:\:-. :t sv. :h e ia~v 

Good Roads. 

Realizing hue of good roads, both 

educationally and commercially to our en- 
tire state, we favor the building and im- 
provement of our highways, and state and 
national appropriations therefor. 

Education. 

7 hi ?.e::u':'.i:.-n party reaffirms its loyal- 
ty to the cause of education in all its branch- 

e= or.: he:e':;- tleires itself t: continue to 
li'terah.y sunrirt the State University. Agri- 
cultural College, Normal Schools and Public 
Schools of our state, as well as our eleemo- 

syr.ary institutions. We endorse the work 



REPUBLICAN STATE PLATFORM 73 

of Hon. Wm. P. Evans, State Superinten- 
dent of Schools, under whose direction the 
schools of Missouri have prospered as never 
before. We commend his able and efficient 
work, which has increased the attendance 
in the Public Schools over ten per cent, 
which has extended aid to districts finan- 
cially weak, and which has fostered and 
built up high schools, and we pledge our- 
selves to a continuance of this policy and to 
the development of vocational education. 

Courts. 

We favor a general revision and simpli- 
fication of the laws and of the civil and 
criminal codes of procedure in our courts; 
and recognizing the fact that our courts 
should, so far as possible, be kept free from 
political influence, we pledge the Republican 
party and all Republican members of both 
nouses of the General Assembly to enact 
laws to those ends. 

Primary Elections. 

We favor amending the primary election 
laws of this state, thus further safeguard- 
ing the rights of the voters so that the will 
of the people may prevail. 

Home Rule. 

As an evidence of the intensely partisan 
course of the Democratic party of Missouri, 
we call attention to its action on the subject 
of home rule for the larger cities of the 
state. The last General Assembly having 
given the larger cities the right of local 
self-government, the Democrats in the legis- 
lature voting for such legislation on the 
supposition that unusual conditions would 
make the city of St. Louis Democratic, but 
the home rule act was suspended until the 
November election by referendum petitions 



74 REPUBLICAN STATE PLATFORM 

circulated and signed by Democrats, solely 
because the citizens of St. Louis elected a 
Republican mayor subsequent to the pas- 
sage of the act by the General Assembly. 
On this occasion we again reiterate our 
advocacy of Home Rule in its fullest scope 
for the larger municipalities. 



The safety and interest of the people require 
that they should promote sueh manufactures as 
tend to render them independent of others. — 
Washington. 



The policy of Washington i* the policy of the 
Republican Party. — Senator Cullom. 



"I do not know much about the tariff, but I 
know this much, when we buy manufactured 
goods abroad we get the goods and the foreigner 
gets the money. When we buy the manufactured 
goods at home we get both the goods and the 
money." — Abraham Lincoln. 



No men living are more worthy to be trusted 
than those who toil up from poverty; none less 
inclined to take or touch aught which they have 
not honestly earned. — [Lincoln. 



Our appeal is not to a false philosophy or 
vain theories, but to the masses of the American 
people, the plain, practical people whom Lincoln 
loved and trusted and whom the Republican 
party has always faithfully striven to serve. — 
Maj. McKinley to Notification Committee, 1896. 



The Democratic party has shown that it does 
not know how to reduce the cost of living, though 
it has reduced the means of earning a living. — 
Hon. James R. Mann, in Congress, September 25, 
1914. 



The business depression from which we suffer 
as a result of Democratic tariff tinkering * * * * 
would be just as acute if there were no war in 
Europe * * * *. — Hon. Richard Bartholdt in his 
letter to Chairman J. L,. Babler of the 3Iissouii 
Republican State Committee. 



Our imports for the fiscal year ending June 
30, 1914, exceeded those of the preceding: year 
about $81,000,000, while a comparison of our ex- 
ports during: the same period shows a decrease of 
over $101,000,000.— Hon. Richard Bartholdt in his 
letter to Chairman J. L». Babler of the Missouri 
Republican State Committee. 



Every great national idea, from the time that 
the Republicans came into power in 1861, had its 
birth in the councils of the Republican party, 
* * * * — Henry King, President Republican Ed- 
itorial Association of Missouri, in his contribu- 
tion, page II . 



Two years ago mills were running, trains 
were running:, candidates were running*. Today 
only the candidates are running-. — Hon. John W. 
^Lang-ley, in Congress, September 25, 1914. 



It would be impossible to revise the tariff 
without doing: injury to our industries unless we 
know the difference in cost at home and abroad. 
— Hon. John J. Whitacre (Democrat), in Congress, 
January 23, 1915. 



What benefit has come to any citizen by his 
(President Wilson's) administration? What man 
out of a job has secured one? What man with a 
job has enjoyed an advance in wages? What mer- 
chant or manufacturer has secured a better and 
broader market? What farmer or stock raiser 
has secured a better price for his stock or prod- 



uct of his fields by reason of anything: that Presi- 
dent Wilson and the Democratic party have done 
since the -ith of March, 1913? — Former Governor 
Herbert S. Hadley in his letter to Chairman J. L«. 
Babler of the Missouri Republican State Commit- 
tee. 



In a few months I shall be called upon in the 
discharge of my official duties to review the 
record that this Democratic Congress shall have 
made in its authorization of the expenditures of 
the public moneys. Whenever I think of the hor- 



rible mess that I shall be called upon to present 
to the country on behalf of the Democratic party 
I am tempted to quit my place. — Hon. John J. 
Fitzgerald, (Democrat), in Congress, April 10, 
1914. 



How the American manufacturer can success- 
fully meet the foreigner in this commercial con- 
test without reducing: wages, Mr. Wilson and 
other Democratic leaders have not even attempted 
to say. — Col. A. C. Rankin, former Treasurer of 
the American Federation of Labor, in the St. 
Louis Globe-Democrat, October 26, 1914. 



Men whose only possession is an empty din- 
ner pail or a reduced pay envelope cannot be con- 
vinced that the tariff is not responsible for their 
situation. — Hon. John J. YVhitacre (Democrat), 
in Congress, January 23, 1915. 



Those foreign countries which have adopted 
protection have, in the elements by which you 
have been accustomed to test the prosperity of a 
nation, improved in a greater ratio and more rap- 
idly than we have ourselves; and I have also to 



point out that this tendency, which has become 
so manifest in recent years, is likely, as every 
sensible man of business knows, to be accentua- 
ted as time groes on. — Hon. Jos. Chamberlain, 
Colonial Secretary of Great Britain, at Liver- 
pool, October 27, 1903. 



Remembering: those Republican promises and 
their fulfillment in the years since, calling- to 
mind the unfulfilled Democratic promises and the 
bitter years of 1893-1896, what will you -ain by 
voting the Democratic ticket. — Representative 
Chas. Dick, of Ohio, in Congress, Jan. 5, 1904. 



As a result in a large degree of our protective 
tariff system, the United States has become one 
of the foremost nations of the world. — Hon. S. M. 
Cullom. 



There has never been a Republican Admin- 
istration which has not carried ns forward. There 
has not been a Democratic Administration since 
the advent of the Republican party that has not 
carried us backward. — Hon. James S. Sherman. 



Protection alone insures American labor 
against European pauper wages. — Former Senator 
Casey, in the American Economist. 



The success of the United States in material 
development is the most illustrious of modern 
times. It is my deliberate judgment that the 
prosperity of America is due mainly to its system 
of protective laws. — Prince Bismarck. 



The 3,000,000 of men who went out of employ- 
ment with the revision of the tariff by the Demo- 
cratic party found employment in the enactment 
of the Dingley law by the Republican party, * * * 
—Hon. P. P. Campbell, in Congress, April 1, 1904. 



They tell us that a protective tariff was only- 
designed for infant industries, that we have out- 
grown that infancy and are no longer in need of 
the duties that enabled us to get them started. 
We have grown, it is true. Our great industrial 



concerns are monsters now, but let me tell you, 
as the boy said who waited till he had grown up 
before tackling a youthful opponent, the other 
fellow has grown up too. — Hon. James S. Sher- 
man. 



I am a protectionist because our country has 
prospered with protection and languished without 
it. — Hon. B. F. Jones, in the American Economist. 



Protection steadily enlarges the home market 
for farm products. — Hon. L.. R. Casey. 



Not only is our home market equal to the 
international commerce of the entire world, but 
it is growing far more rapidly than international 
commerce. — O. P. Austin, Chief of Bureau of 
Statistics. 



The depression and ruin that was inaugura- 
ted with that tariff revision by the Demoeratic 
party is vivid in the minds of all. — Hon. P. P. 
Campbell, in Congress, April 1, 1904. 



What has been done for the tin-plate man- 
ufacturer* in the United States can be done for 
American shipbuilders and American shipowners. 
— Hon. Wm. S. Greene, in Congress. April 2ft, 



The Republican party was born because of a 
principle, and it has lived and grown because of 
principles too sound to be overthrown, too deep 
to be effaced. — Hon. James S. Sherman. 



Every dollar sent abroad to purchase goods 
that we can produce at home makes us a dollar 
the poorer. — H. R. Thurber, in the American 
Economist. 



The prosperity of the farmer depends upon 
the prosperity of those who buy his products. — 
Hon. P. P. Campbell, in Congress, April 1, 1904. 



We shall always need protective duties as 
long as our people insist upon a higher standard 
of wages and scale of living than prevail abroad. 
— Jas. M. Swank. 



The Republican party was dedicated to free- 
dom forty-four years ago. It has been the party 
of liberty and emancipation from that hour; not 
of profession but of performance. — President 
McKinley, at Canton, July 12, 1900. 



Under our policy of free trade we have lost 
that commercial and industrial superiority we 
acquired under the policy of strict protection. 
Our policy of direct taxation bears heavily upon 
our industries and reacts on the working classes 
in reduction of wages and employment. Our ag- 



riculture has been ruined and our industries are 
struggling hard for existence. Other nations, 
under a policy of strict protection, are beating 
us in the race of competition, not only in neutral, 
but in our own markets. — Sir Guilford L«. Moles- 
worth on Free Trade in England. 



Experience of more than forty years in busi- 
ness has taught me that under a low or revenue 
tariff business depression and financial distress 
has been the rule, while under protection good 
business and general prosperity has been the 
result. — Hon. N. D. Sperry, M. C, of New Haven, 
Conn., in the American Economist. 



The nation has appreciated the valor and pa- 
triotism of the black men of the United States. 
They not only fought in Cuba, but in the Philip- 
pines, and they are still carrying the flag: as the 
symbol of liberty and hope to an oppressed peo- 
ple. — President McKinley to colored citizens at 
Chicago. 



A tax, and a stiff one, npon foreign manufac- 
turers would be one of the most popular as well 
as one of the wisest imposts ever levied in this 
country. Either the foreign manufacturer would 
pay the duty or the home manufacturer would get 
the trade. — London Daily Telegraph, December 
10, 1903. 



With our oversea trade diminished, even in 
time of profound peace, and the cost of living in- 
creased, with capital intimidated and labor 
thrown out of employment, what inducement is 
there for the voter to continue in power the party 
which is responsible for what is aptly termed 
"these hard Democratic times?" — Hon Richard 
Bartholdt in his letter to Chairman J. L,. Babler 
of the Missouri Republican State Committee. 



When the Democrats have gone into power in 
past years all the money of the nation has gone 
into hiding. — Former Lieutenant Governor John 
C. McKinley, at Hannibal, Mo., October 28, 1914. 



These conditions (3,000,000 workers in the 
United States out of employment) were forced 
upon us before the outbreak of the war in Europe, 
and, therefore, they can be attributed only to the 
Democratic change of policy on the tariff ques- 
tion. — Col. A. C. Rankin, former Treasurer of the 
American Federation of Labor, in the St. Louis 
Globe-Democrat, October 26, 1914. 



Our Government should be as exacting from 
foreigners as from Americans. Make them pay 
duty while we pay taxes. — Hon. P. C. Cheney. 



If we could pass a law creating: such a tariff 
board, as Mr. 3Iann has proposed, we could make 
an impartial investigation on every item and give 
the American manufacturer a square deal. — Hon. 
John J. Whitacre (Democrat), in Congress, Jan- 
uary 23, 1915. 



The United States is a continental nation and 
should adopt a continental policy. Free trade is 
adapted only to insular nations, and no continen- 
tal nation has adopted a free-trade policy. — Ex- 
President Hill of the University of Rochester, for- 
mer Ambassador to Germany. 



Two years ago men were busy, money was 
busy. Today the Taxgatherer is busy. — Hon. 
John W. Lang ley, in Congress, September 25, 1914. 



The poor, clear, old foolish Democratic Party 
is going: through the same game that she can be 
generally trusted to go through with soon after 
she gets into power. — Hon. John Sharp Williams 
(Democratic senator from Mississippi), in the 
Senate. April 8, 1914. 



This nation, under the protective tariff pol- 
icies of the Republican party, became the greatest 
manufacturing nation of the world. — Col. A. C. 
Rankin, former Treasurer of the American Fed- 
eration of Labor, in the St. Louis Globe-Demo- 
crat, October 20, 1914. 



We promised to revise the tariff without in- 
jury to any legitimate American industry. The 
general depression shows conclusively that var- 
ious industries have been injured. — Hon. John J. 
Whitacre (Democrat), in Congress, January 23, 
1915. 



